No Woman, No
Revolution, Part 0
Introduction to “No
Woman, No Revolution”
The efforts of women
of the privileged classes to acquire rights that were increasingly being gained
by the male members of their class, notably the right to own property and the
right to vote, are called feminism.
This struggle
existed under feudalism, and grew stronger as the bourgeois class began to
assert itself and become hegemonic. The feminists put forward reformist demands
that bourgeois society was able and often willing to concede to bourgeois
women.
This course, “No
Woman, No Revolution”, is not designed to present a history of feminism,
but rather to pick up the story at the point where a contradiction arises
between bourgeois feminism and the interests of the women of the proletarian
class.
This contradiction
manifested itself in the second half of the nineteenth century, as a
consequence of the proletarian revolutionary movements associated in the first
place with Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. This is found, not only in the realm
of theory, but also in the world of practice in the shape of the First and
Second Internationals.
This course has been enlarged from the previous 11 texts to
30. It now provides a strong view of the historical development of revolutionary
thought about women, and of revolutionary organisation among women, from the
mid-nineteenth century to the present.
The roots of the course are in the last decade of Karl
Marx’s life. The German Social Democratic Party was founded in 1875, Bebel
published his “Women and Socialism” in 1879, and Marx was studying Morgan’s
“Ancient Society” prior to his death in 1883. Engels took up Marx’s manuscript
and worked it into a book, “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and The
State”, published in 1884, which is our first and still our greatest text.
In the first place the course follows the pioneering
development of thought within the parties of the proletarian interest, from the
time of Karl Marx, who died in 1883; Frederick Engels, who survived Marx by 12
years until 1895; and Clara Zetkin, who was born in 1857 and lived until 1933.
It proceeds via the work of Rosa Luxemburg and Alexandra Kollontai,
to a high point with Vladimir Lenin, and to the setback (for women) that was
the 3rd Congress of the Third International (the Comintern).
The course then picks up the story in South Africa, where in
the same decade that saw the foundation of the ANC, the ICU and the CPSA,
Charlotte Maxeke [pictured above] established the Bantu Women’s League in 1918,
the fore-runner of many liberatory and revolutionary women’s organisations.
The course problematises the relationship between attempts
to found a mass-membership, dedicated women’s organisation in South Africa, led
by the working women, and the countervailing determination of the liberation
movement, the ANC, and its Women’s League, to tolerate no rival.
The course examines theoretical works dealing with structure
and structurelessness, gender and patriarchy, and the close relationship
between bourgeois feminism and bourgeois post-modernist philosophy.
The course finishes with writings from the SACP (Jenny
Schreiner and Blade Nzimande) and speeches from the ANC (Jacob Zuma).
International Woman’s Day (8th of March each
year) was proposed by Clara Zetkin, a contemporary and
comrade of Alexandra Kollontai, at
the Second International Women's Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark in
1910. The first International Women’s day was observed in 1911.
Feminism had a considerable history by that time. In 1910
the campaign for votes for women was at its height in some countries. But the
bourgeois feminism of those days was being challenged by the revolutionaries,
as it still is today. Our revised course, called “No Woman, No Revolution”, is
motivated by revolutionary considerations like those of Zetkin and Kollontai.
A successful revolution that mobilised only half of the
available support would be inconceivable. The half of the population that is
female must be as fully involved in any revolution as the men are, or else
there will be no revolution. Our new series is designed to problematise the
question of women as a force in South Africa’s revolution, in the specific
conditions pertaining in this year of 2012. It will focus on the necessity of
organising working women as a mass.
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